Dyed-In-The-Wool History

Demographic Changes
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Rapid Changes in the North - The Rise of the Catholics
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Religious survey data was first included in the US census in 1850 and remained part of the 1860 and 1870 census. Because of the close association of religion to culture and area during this time period it provides an excellent tool to assess the demographics of a region. This data did not capture members but did capture seats which, when combined with record of worship information for a sample set of congregations by denomination, can be used to closely model the number of practitioners during these three census that spanned the war years. By then filtering by state and even area within a state, patterns can be determined regarding regional differences which at this point have become very substantial.
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Starting with general changes in participation and denominational representation between the baseline study from 1776 and 1850 we see dramatic realignments. Religious participation or adherence has increased sharply and consistently but was still well below more recent values. In no area though was it close to representing a majority and, due to immigration, this no longer represented solely a rise in protestant or evangelical followers.
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The rate of religious adherence as a percentage of the adult population roughly doubled from 1776 to 1850, peaked just before the war and dropped a few points after the war. From there going forward to the next available datasets we see consistent increases although the data collection from the census did change slightly in 1890 to actually measure membership.
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1850 Denominational Adherents as % of Adult Population (New England, Middle States, Midwest, West)

In New England the Congregationalists still have a large presence but are nearly irreverent everywhere else. This is deceptive though in a couple of respects. Prominent political and religious figures in the North overwhelmingly trace their origins to this group. The same can be said for prominent political activists, commentators, writers, and media figures. The Congregationalists were also the point of origin for Unitarians, Universalists, and Transcendentalists who make up most of the gap between the “Major Group” classification total and the total of all groups in the preceding chart. The philosophy and theology behind these groups were largely imported from Prussia and Eastern Europe and deviated from orthodox Christian doctrines in many respects including the divinity of Christ, the doctrine of the Trinity, original sin, and Biblical authority(2 pp. 4-6). Unitarianism and Congregationalism could be seen as a denominational split frequently resulting in competing churches being created in the same immediate area (1). All of these groups were highly politically active. Another small but significant group that was at least as political and figured prominently in Northern activism were the Quakers who had their largest regional presences in New England, Pennsylvania, and Indiana but, as noted previously, they had become, relatively speaking, very small.
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Moving to 1860 data just prior to the war, there are some noticeable changes.
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1860 Denominational Adherents as % of Adult Population (New England, Middle States, Midwest, West)

By 1860, the Congregationalist percentages had dropped slightly due to the surge in Catholic immigrants. The northern Baptists have also fallen off significantly while other protestant groups have remained fairly steady. The primary change is that practicing Catholics surged across all northern regions. Contrary to popular opinion, the participation level for the Irish and Germanic Catholics was relatively low but they became reattached with their cultural faith after arriving in the states. This was most probably due to a combination of Yankee persecution and committed clergy and lay workers who operated independent from centralized church or state support (1 pp. 117-135). The Lutheran percentage, on the other hand, didn’t really change which would seem surprising with the amount of German immigration taking place.
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Extending the analysis to the 1870 data we see some continuing patterns and some shifts coming out of the war.
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1870 Denominational Adherents as % of Adult Population (New England, Middle States, Midwest, West)

The Congregational numbers dropped slightly in New England due to Irish Immigration, primarily around Boston and New York, and the Lutherans again didn’t grow. Baptists dropped significantly in New England while Catholics continued to show dramatic growth. Baptists at this point could be considered a minor faith in the North. Other major groups held steady or dropped slightly.
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The total protestant population in the North, excluding the Germanic Lutherans, was no more than 23% of the adult population (including Unitarians/Universalists) between 1860 and 1870. There were ongoing efforts at reunification generally initiated by the established churches who had performed relatively poorly in terms of expanding their population but, somewhat surprisingly, the Methodists in particular were generally open to this. In a business scenario a competitor who is losing market share but cash rich will often try to buy out or merge with the more agile competitor and, while there are other factors at play, this is more or less what we see here. Cooperative ventures between different denominations were common which included some teaming relationships that would seem very surprising like Baptists and Unitarians working together.
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The Northern churches, apart from the Lutherans and Catholics, had a strong tendency to secularization and politicization which generally went together however, it would be inappropriate to assume that that groups or individuals that opposed theological liberalization didn’t support the progressive political goals which at this time, centered primarily around prohibition, nativism, and, to a far lesser degree, abolitionism. Determining exactly how strong the correlation was is difficult to assess but factional divides in the abolition movement, which will be looked at in more detail in a following section, can provide a hint (2 p. 63) along with the degree to which churches were willing to host and support traveling activists. The combined factors of theological liberalization and willingness to team with more liberal groups like Congregationalists and Unitarians was the cause of the first major Protestant split in the Presbyterian Church in 1837 (2 p. 8). For Northern Protestants the distinctions between denominations weren’t particularly significant much as they are not today.
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There was at the time and remained for many decades a strong misconception about the numbers of Catholics assuming that anyone arriving in the states from Ireland in particular was automatically a Catholic Church participant or member. This resulted in a dramatic over counting. Quoting from Stark and Fink, “In truth, most of the millions of immigrants from “Catholic” nations who flowed into the United States in the later part of the nineteenth century were at best potential American Catholic parishioners….For the Fact is that the great majority of people in “Catholic” nations are not very good Catholics.”(1 pp. 177-82) Additionally there were a significant number of Irish Protestant immigrants from the north of the Island. Anti-Catholic rhetoric commonly originated from prominent Protestant Clergy like Congregational Minister Lyman Beecher (he was originally a Presbyterian) as well as prominent laypeople. Catholics continued to be overwhelmingly aligned with the Democratic Party in the North making them political adversaries of the Northern Protestants who were the core of the new Republican Party.(3)
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The demographic problem posed by the Catholics to the Protestants in the North in general and New England in particular is shown in the previous chart although Catholics, with rare exception, lacked economic and political power (2 pp. 4-6). Increasingly however Catholic voters held the balance of political power between candidates.
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There were attempts by Protestants to evangelize Catholics and Catholics to evangelize Protestants as well as organized attempts by both groups to reach unchurched people including Indians. There were some successes but not enough to alter the deep association of religion with culture in a statistically significant sense. In the case of evangelism of Catholics by Protestants there is a serious question at this point as to whether they were being presented with a religious belief system or an alternative culture that it was too intertwined with it to be separated.
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Denominational differences between Protestant groups were not of major importance in most cases and regional differences were far more important. Catholics on the other hand were far more consistent and cohesive as a group and regional differences were generally minor. The church hierarchy tended to oppose abolitionism as being supported by the same folk who supported nativism (4 p. 236).
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Culture and Religion remain consistent in the South
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Meanwhile in the southern and border states religious demographics remained far less volatile with long term trends moving in a consistent manner. Starting with 1850:
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1850 Denominational Adherents as % of Adult Population (Southern and Border States)
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Congregationalists have no real presence in the South, although they would try to establish a presence after the war, and Episcopalians have only a very minor footprint along the eastern seacoast. The minor groups/cults that branched off primarily from the Congregationalists also didn’t spread to the South at least to a degree that can be shown statistically. Presbyterians are somewhat larger in the South and comprise a disproportionate share of the Southern aristocracy. The major groups were Baptists and Methodist both of whom were expanding. Catholics had a small but steady regional presence. Lutherans had only a very small population in the South due to a few Germanic communities spread broadly across the region.
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1860 Denominational Adherents as % of Adult Population (Southern and Border States)

By 1860 there were continued gains for the Methodists and Catholics and overall religious adherence went up slightly reflecting these two groups. Note here that while the Catholics remained a small part of the population there was no significant religious persecution against them in the South either. Likewise a small but significant Jewish population existed in the South and were also well accepted. Southern Academic Richard Weaver credited the attitude of tolerance to “the older religiousness of the South” observing “For although the South was heavily Protestant, its attitude toward religion was essentially the attitude of orthodoxy” linked to “medieval heritages”.(1)
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In the South, although fewer in number, Catholics tended to be part of the upper classes, and to have an influence out of all proportion to their numbers. Northern Catholics, while much more numerous, had little political power, being for the most part poor recent immigrants. Northern Catholics saw Blacks as rivals for the sort of low-paying jobs they fought for. Should abolition come, they feared that hordes of poor Blacks would come north willing to work for even less than what New England industrial workers were paid. (2 p. 273)
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1870 Denominational Adherents as % of Adult Population (Southern and Border States)

The 1870 religious survey for the South reveals a slight drop in overall participation across the board with the exception of Catholics that rose but flattened out after that. The gradual drop in Methodists participation would continue but Baptists would rise dramatically from this point forward. The most remarkable aspect of Southern religion as depicted in available data as well as anecdotal information is really its consistency as opposed to the tumultuous Northern variants of Evangelicalism. While the primary form of worship in the south was Evangelical, it remained Orthodox and apolitical focusing on individual faith and responsibility while not attempt to bring about the final act of history. (4 p. 6)
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Footnotes:
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[1 -6} 1850 US Census Religious Survey as interpreted using Roger Finke, Rodney Stark, Turning Pews into People: Estimating 18th Century Church Membership, Journal for Scientific Study of Religion, Vol.25, No.2 June 1986
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​Bibliography
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1. Stark, Rodney and Finke, Roger. The Churching of America 1776-2005 - Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy. Piscataway, New Jersey : Rutgers University Press, 2005.
2. Jay, Joseph. Sacred Conviction the Souths Stand for Biblical Authority. Columbia South Carolina : Shotwell Publishing, 2018.
3. Kleppner, Paul. The Cross of Cultures A social Analysis of Midwestern Politics 1850-1900. New York, New York : The Free Press, 1970.
4. Coulombe, Charles A. Puritans Empire A Catholic Perspective on American History. s.l. : Tumblar House, 2008.